Source : EYE Dutch East Indies collection, viewable here
Production : Kolonial Instituut
Informational film. Production year 1918. Censorship date 1929
EYE catalogue entry:
” Everyday scenes and ritual services in the village. Women doing housework: pounding flour, and carrying water. A Balinese district chief on the way to the Poera (Temple), and worship at home altars. The council of Kerta has a meeting, the chiefs and an inspector pronounce justice. Processing and writing on lontar leaves. Wood carvers.”
Source : EYE Dutch East Indies collection, viewable here
Background – By the time that he came to make this film, the film-maker Willy Mullens (1880-1952) was already well-established as a leading maker of industrial, corporate and advertising films in the Netherlands. He was also celebrated for his films about the monarchy, which established his reputation as a ‘film-maker for the fatherland’.
Haghe-Films was Mullens’ own production company, but for this film he received additional funding from the Ministry of the Colonies and the Ministry of Education.
In general, the quality of the cinematography is competent but often very stilted, much of it consisting of rather rocky pans across subjects who are clearly performing their everyday lives for the camera. The camera is mostly at a considerable distance from the subjects and there seems to have been very little rapport between them and the film-maker. Some subjects seem positively terrified, making one wonder whether they were being filmed under duress. Curiously, almost all the close-up images are of women.
The film is regularly punctuated with subtitles, which are set on backgrounds that alternate between a map of the Dutch East Indies, or drawings of elegant Javanese women dancers.
Further information about Mullens is available on the Eye website here.
Content – The village that is the subject of the film is not actually named, so one is presumably meant to consider it to be typical of Javanese villages generally at the time. The film is in two roughly equal parts. The first part mainly shows traditional subsistence practices, particularly the cultivation and processing of rice. However, there are also some more intimate scenes, e.g. of women chewing betel nut paste and of children buying iced drinks and sweets from itinerant vendors.
The second part focuses on the relationship of villagers with the Dutch colonial state, emphasising the general benefits of this relationship to local people (as one would expect, given the sponsors of the film).
It begins with the ‘Regent’ (one of the local nobility preserved by the Dutch in their East Indian colony) going on tour in his large motor car and arriving at the village. Here he holds a meeting with a group of headmen from around the local region, who arrive on horseback and are all dressed in some sort of simple uniform. They are very deferential to the Regent.
Fine Javanese cattle are displayed and the introduction of improved breeding methods is commented upon. There then follows a feast, with dancers wearing large horned masks, resembling cattle. They dance in a lively and apparently comical way supported by a gamelan orchestra. But, sadly, it is all filmed from a great distance.
This is then followed by a lengthy sequence about the election of a local headman, seemingly supervised by the Regent. Villagers are given a stick and encouraged to put it in one of series of tubes hidden behind a screen. The film emphasises that a real choice is available and that women, or at least widows, are also allowed to vote.
There are then sequences about the production of pottery for the local market, the distribution of money through a farmer’s credit bank, and also the activities of a large pawnshop, which apparently does a roaring trade. This seems to be understood by the film-maker as a positive matter, but to a neutral viewer it would appear to testify to the fact the villagers have become ensnared in a market economy and are now finding it difficult to make ends meet. Some people are pawning what appear to be family heirlooms.
Source : EYE Dutch East Indies collection, viewable here
Ethnodrama. Production year 1930.
EYE catalogue entry:
Christian mission propaganda film about ‘a slice of heathen life, with the bamboo bush people of Borado-Likowali’ on the island of Flores.
Keli is forced to marry Wesa but has a lover in another village. This causes war to break out between the two villages and Wesa is killed. Wesa’s father Meo now wants Keli to marry his other son. Keli refuses and the hostilities continue. Just when the authorities have locked up a number of troublemakers, Father Jacobs arrives. The missionary tries to win the confidence of the locals but becomes embroiled in the conflict. An assault by Meo’s men leaves him dangerously wounded. The villagers stop fighting and Meo asks the dying missionary’s forgiveness. Peace is restored.
Source : EYE Dutch East Indies collection, viewable here
Informational film about Batak dry-rice cultivation. Well-made, follows process in a neutral way. One of a number of films made about the Karo-Batak by L.P. de Bussy: this was probably his longest film. Shot in 1917, but according to EYE website first screened in public in 1923.
EYE catalogue entry:
“A documentary that shows the various stages of rice growing in the dry fields among the Karo-Batak.
The film opens with an “introduction”, in which a picture is given of “the landscape, the village, and the people”. This is followed by the stages of rice growing: cultivating, ploughing, sowing, and harvesting. These stages are shown very neutrally, without any background information. The harvest festival, with which the film ends, gives picturesque images of victory carts being pulled to the village and women in festive attire taking part in a dance competition”
Currently available two versions : 60 mins. and 96 mins., both b&w, with English intertitles and an extra-diegetic music track. The music track of the original 96 minute version is lost, while a music of modern African music has been added to the shorter version by the distributor.
This film is an ethnodrama shot over two months in June and July 1927 in a Zulu community in the region of Eshowe, then the administrative capital of Zululand. The ‘artistic director’ and person generally in charge of the production was Attilio Gatti (1896-1969), an adventurer from a wealthy Milanese family, with a distinguished First World War military record but few qualifications. The film was shot by a professional cameraman, Giuseppe Vittroti (1890-1974), who is credited as ‘technical director’. There was also a ‘scientific director’, Lidio Cipriani (1892-1962), a professor of physical anthropology from the University of Florence, whose role appears to have been to act as a guarantor of the scientific probity of the film.
Gatti had originally intended to make a fictional adventure film involving the capture of a white woman by Zulus, and had even brought two white actors to South Africa with him for this purpose. When this was prohibited by the South African censor on account of the on-screen contact between black and white people that it would entail, Gatti resolved to make a film involving an all-Zulu cast instead, even though most of the actors would have had little or no contact with urban society and would therefore probably never have been to the cinema.
The film that eventually emerged is structured around an entirely fictional melodramatic ‘love-triangle’ story, but this is interwoven with sequences of everyday life and custom, including the daily work of tending the herds, the construction of houses, plus a variety of sequences of family life, divination, public oratory and stick-fighting. Particularly impressive is the sequence of a marriage ceremony close to the beginning of the film.
Although the film was enthusiastically received by critics when it was first released in Milan in 1928, box office returns were poor and it closed very quickly. As a silent film, it was difficult for it to attract audiences excited by the recent release of the first ‘talkies’. The film disappeared and was considered lost until it was rediscovered in the 1990s by the film-maker Peter Davis, director of Villon Films which now distributes the film.
Although it is very difficult to disentangle the authentic elements from the superimposed European fantasy elements, in the almost complete absence of any other films from that time (the brief sequence in Chez les buveurs du sang being one of very few exceptions), this film, provided it is interpreted critically, represents a very valuable ethnographic record of Zulu life in the 1920s.
These films were shot by Dina Dreyfus (1911-1999) and her then husband, Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908-2009), during a field trip to the interior of Brazil taken between November 1935 and March 1936. At the time, they were both young academics teaching anthropology in São Paulo and they took advantage of the southern hemisphere summer vacation to carry out some fieldwork.
They were accompanied by René Silz, an agronomist and friend of Claude from his school days, who came out from France to join them. The expedition was later famously described in Claude’s 1955 memoir, Tristes Tropiques (republished in various forms, including in the 1976 English translation indicated below in ‘Texts’).
Dina’s name appears first, analphabetically, in the directorial credits that appear in the films themselves, suggesting that she may have played the leading role in making them.
In December 1935, they shot two films in Kejara, a Bororo village, now extinct, on the Vermelho river, a tributary of the São Lourenço river in Mato Grosso state, close to the western frontier of Brazil with Bolivia. They then moved further south in Mato Grosso and, in December 1935 and January 1936, they shot two films in the Caduveo village of Nalike, in the Serra Bodoquena. They also shot a very short film on the rounding up of cattle on a nearby ranch.
In a brief memoir about this film-making experience, published much later, in 1994, Lévi-Strauss reports that they were equipped only with “an oval-shaped miniature 8mm camera” though he could not remember the make (the description suggests that it could have been the Bell and Howell Filmo ‘Straight Eight‘). It seems that their objective was not to make a documentary film structured by a narrative, but rather to use the camera for simple documentation purposes.
Unsurprisingly, since they do not appear to have had any previous training, the quality of the cinematography is very poor. It suffers from the usual novice’s faults of being unstable, moving too quickly from one subject to another and being too far from the action.
But despite these shortcomings, the original footage was later blown up to 16mm, furnished with some stylish intertitles in Portuguese, and made into a series of short films. These were produced by the Department of Culture of the Prefecture of São Paulo, a body directed by the leading Brazilian intellectual, Mário de Andrade, who was a friend and in some senses the patron of the Dina and Claude Lévi-Strauss while they were living in São Paulo. These edited versions appear to have been intended for Dina to use in her classes on ethnography.
Some months later, in May 1936, Dina and Claude directed another film, this time on a very different subject, namely, the Divino Espirito Santo festival in Mogi das Cruzes, a small town in São Paulo state. On account of its syncretic mixture of African and European elements, this festival, said to have been celebrated since the earliest days of Portuguese colonisation, was of particular interest to Mário de Andrade and again his department produced the film.
In this case, not only does Dina’s name come first in the directorial credit intertitle, but she is also specifically identified as the cinematographer. Interestingly, the quality of both the cinematography and the editing of this film is very much higher than those of the Mato Grosso films.
For his part, in his 1994 memoir, Claude gives a very negative account of his experience of film-making in Mato Grosso. He was the son of an artist and an excellent photographer, and his notebooks are filled with beautiful sketches. But he confesses that he soon lost patience with cinematography since he felt “guilty” if he kept his eye glued to the viewfinder “instead of observing and trying to understand what was going on”. The material that he and Dina had produced in Mato Grosso he describes as no more than “a few disjointed series … snatches of film”.
Claude was clearly not sufficiently persuaded of the value of a moving image camera to shoot any films on his more substantial second field trip to the interior of Brazil in 1938, when he visited the Nambikwara, Mundé and Tupi-Kawahib.
Although Dina accompanied him on this field trip too, she was obliged to return home shortly after it began with a severe toothache. If she did indeed play the principal role in their joint film-making activities, this may be the main reason why no films arose from this trip.
Film Content
BORORO FILMS
A vida de uma aldeia Bororo [Life of a Bororo Village] (8 mins.). This begins with a rather unsteady shot taken from the roof of one of the houses on the outer perimeter of Kejara. This pans across the village showing its celebrated circular layout, with the large men’s house in the centre. There is a very well-known photograph by Claude Lévi-Strauss taken from a similar position, quite possibly at the same time (see Lévi-Strauss 1994, pp. 88-89).
The title of the film suggests that it will offer a general portrait of the village but, in fact, following this opening shot, the remainder of the film consists entirely of shots of craft and subsistence activities, almost exclusively involving men.
The first sequence relates to a very Lévi-Straussian concern, namely, fire-making. A man drills a fire stick in another piece of wood held steady by a woman whom one presumes is his wife – the only woman to appear in the film. The quality of shooting here is reasonable – there is even a close-up shot of the moment when the fire stick begins to smoke (albeit one that ‘crosses the line’).
This is followed by a sequence showing a man braiding a cord, followed by another of a man weaving a cotton armband on a simple loom. Though this is not explained in the film, this second man is Pore Gudawu (aka Roberto Ipureu), Claude Lévi-Strauss’s principal informant (and later that of Herbert Baldus) who, falsely, claimed to have been taken by missionaries to Rome to meet the Pope (see Martins 2013c, p.195).
At what is roughly its midpoint, the film then turns to subsistence activities. But the sequence entitled ‘Hunting’ consists merely of a series of unsteady shots of men posing and shooting arrows. The following sequence, ‘Fishing’ consists of a series of shots of men paddling canoes out on the nearby river, often standing in an impressive manner to do so. However, it does not include any shots of fishing as such.
The film is rounded off with a sequence clearly aimed at narrative closure: men are shown returning from the river with clusters of fish, some carrying large nets, others paddles, often accompanied by dogs. Some disappear into the men’s house.
Finally, there is another pan across the village, this time at dusk, ending with a shot of two domesticated macaws on the spur of a rooftop, silhouetted against the moonlight – an image that would become something of a trope in ethnographic films about Amazonian peoples (see, for example, Os Indios “Urubus” ).
Cerimónias funeraes entre os índios Bororó[Funeral Ceremonies among the Bororo Indians] (7½ mins.) – Again, notwithstanding the general title, this film deals only with certain restricted aspects of the Bororo funeral ceremony.
The first third of the film is concerned with the construction and decoration of the marid’do, the large circular wheels made of palm fibre, up to 1.5m in diameter and weighing as much as 60kgs, which, at a certain stage in the proceedings, men place on their heads and then dance with in a competitive manner to see who can sustain the weight the longest (as featured in Luiz Thomaz Reis’ 1917 film, Rituais e festas Borôro).
This is followed by various shots of dances performed on the plaza in front of the men’s house. Although the film does not make this clear, these are not directly connected with the marid’do. Rather they are aroe-etawujedu, that is, dances that embody certain ancestral spirits, identifiable by their body decoration, mode of dance or the musical instruments that they play.
In this case, the presence of Bakororo, the spirit associated with the western moiety of the village, is indicated by various shots of a dancer playing the ika, a long transverse flute. He is accompanied by another dancer, blowing on a pana, a sort of trumpet fashioned from three or four gourds stuck together with resin. This identifies him as an embodiment of Itubore, the spirit associated wtih the eastern moiety of village. Together, they are welcoming the spirits of the dead to the ceremony.
As explained by an intertitle, a dancer embodying Bakoro, his body painted with that spirit’s characteristic red and black stripes, then emerges from the men’s house, followed by a number of other dancers described as his ‘cortège’.
However, although these shots are certainly ethnographically interesting, they are not well executed and give only a fragmentary sense of the event.
In the final two minutes of the film, the film returns to the marid’do. At first, elaborately decorated dancers are shown from afar dancing in a circle around the marid’do. But then the camera moves in closer as some of the dancers hoist the marid’do onto their heads, and begin to dance with them. The most valiant jump and down.
Again, the quality of the cinematography is very poor. Many shots are unsteady and some are fogged. Here too the material is ethnographically interesting but frustratingly fragmentary.
(There is a more comprehensive photographic account of the Bororo funeral, including the dancing with marid’do in Lévi-Strauss 1994, pp.98-105).
CADUVEO FILMS
Although Claude Lévi-Strauss describes it in Tristes Tropiques as “a wretched hamlet” of “no more than five huts”, Nalike, the village where the two Caduveo films were shot, was then the “capital of the Caduveo country”.
Aldeia de Nalike, part 1 [The Village of Nalike, part 1] (10 mins). This begins with some very unsteady shots apparently taken from the back of a horse, as the film-makers approach the village. These are followed by various equally unsteady pans back and forth within the village before the camera goes inside the houses.
These interior shots begin with one of the film-makers’ own sleeping area, with Dina in the background talking to a Caduveo woman and René Silz in the foreground looking dolefully at the camera. They end with a group of men drinking maté tea.
Around 3 minutes into the film, a ‘puberty feast’ is announced in an intertitle. This 2½ minute sequence mostly consists of shots of couples dancing in the modern Brazilian manner, though in between, some older women are dancing in what is perhaps the traditional indigenous form.
The event is poorly covered, however, since there is not a single shot of the puberty feast as such. It is not even clear where the music for the dancing is coming from.
(This feast is described in Tristes Tropiques, see Lévi-Strauss 1976, pp.226-228 while in Lévi-Strauss 1994, p.76, there is a portrait of the girl whose feast it is).
The second half of the film concerns women’s crafts. First, there is a lengthy but repetitive sequence of shots showing the weaving of a cotton hammock in the neo-Brazilian manner on a vertical loom. In the last minute or so , this gives way to a sequence showing the weaving of a cotton baby-sling, followed by the weaving of a palm-leaf fire fan.
Aldeia de Nalike, part 2[The Village of Nalike, part 2] (6 mins). The second Nalike film continues with the theme of crafts. It begins with a sequence showing a woman preparing twine cords, followed by a brief shot of these same cords being used to knot together a traditional indigenous hammock.
There is then a sequence of almost two minutes showing a man making a series of string figures – a reminder of how important this subject was to anthropologists in the early years of the discipline. The man not only uses his hands, but also his big toe. Many of these shots are overexposed and at no point does one see the man’s face.
The second half of the film concerns the Caduveo’s celebrated facial designs . Initially, some women are shown working out the designs on paper, as requested by the film-makers. This is followed by a sequence of a woman decorating her face in a small mirror and then a young girl is shown having her face painted, as in the image at the head of this section on the Nalike films.
The film ends with a series of close-up individual portraits, including the image immediately above, and the one at the head of the entry as a whole.
(These facial designs are discussed at length in Tristes Tropiques, see Lévi-Strauss 1976, pp. 229-256, and there are many photographs in Lévi-Strauss 1994, pp.71-77).
CATTLE-HERDING FILM
Os Trabalhos do Gado num Curral de uma Fazenda do Sul de Mato Grosso [Working with Cattle in a Corral of a Ranch in the South of Mato Grosso] (3 mins.) – This is barely a film at all, consisting merely of a series of unsteady shots of cattle being herded through a corral. Despite its short length, it is very repetitive and there is only one shot, a poor one, of one of the men managing the cattle.
53 mins, b&w, silent – extra-diegetic music, voice-over commentary in French
Source : CINEMATEK, Royal Film Archives of Belgium – DVD Collection, Marquis de Wavrin (2017)
Background – This film is much less accomplished, in terms of both shooting and editing, than the Marquis de Wavrin‘s previous South American expedition films. As he does not appear in shot in these films, one is tempted to speculate that he shot this film himself, whereas in his other films, in which he does appear, he had someone with some expertise in shooting working for him. Certainly in this film, the camerawork is very amateurish, with many waving pans, unstable and lop-sided shots etc. The editing is similarly poor, with a high degree of redundancy in the material presented.
Nevertheless, when the film was premièred in Brussels in 1937 in the presence of King Leopold III, it was given many highly positive reviews in the local press. But there were also some dissenting voices, who compared de Wavrin’s film unfavourably with works by certain of his contemporaries, such as Charles Dekeukeleire’s Terres brûlées (1934) and L’Ile de Pâques (1935) by John Fernhout and Henri Storck.
Film content – De Wavrin travelled to Venezuela in 1934, intent on discovering the source of the Orinoco, the only major river in the world whose source was unknown at that time. Unfortunately for him, unseasonally bad weather on the upper reaches of the river forced him to turn back before he had reached his destination.
This setback occurs about midway through the film. The material that he had presented up until that point had been decidedly limited, certainly from the point of view of the ethnography of the indigenous peoples of Venezuela. In order to make something of his journey, it would appear, he then travelled to Western Venezuela and made contact with the ‘Motilones’ of the Sierra de Perijá (known today as the Yuko in Colombia, but as the Yukpa in Venezuela).
This was the same group with whom he had spent some time on the Colombian side of the border during his previous trip to South America in 1932-1933. It was with them that he had shot some of the strongest ethnographic material that he had produced, notably the sequence of the secondary burial ceremony that he would later be obliged to cut from the Belgian edition of Chez les Indiens Sorciers.
Sadly, he was unable to produce any material of similar quality with the Yukpa, the Venezuelan ‘Motilones’. The second half of Vénézuéla is not much better than the first, consisting mostly of some footage of largely indifferent quality of day-to-day life in a Yukpa community.
This material culminates in a collective dance that in terms of costumes, face paint designs, musical instruments and dance steps is suggestive of outside influence, be it of the Yukpa’s neighbours, the Guajiro, the local criollo (non-indigenous) population or some combination of the two. It is even possible that it could have been organised by de Wavrin himself who might well have been very concerned by this point to film something more dramatic than the Yukpa’s normally more muted dancing performances.
The concluding five minutes of the film offer a series of shots of the houses on stilts in the water of the Laguna de Sinamaica, north of Maracaibo. These houses are supposedly the origin of the name ‘Venezuela’, a term meaning literally ‘Little Venice’. According to legend, on seeing these houses on stilts, this was the name given to the country by none other than Amerigo Vespucci himself. It is this legend that also accounts for the title of de Wavrin’s film.
The indigenous inhabitants of these houses are today known as the Añú (formerly as the Paraujano). But although de Wavrin offers us some interesting shots of the village from afar, and also of the Añú gathering reeds nearby, he never gets close to them and does not even name them. Instead, he merely questions whether these “prehistoric” structures can possibly resist modernity, as represented by the oil derricks elsewhere on Lake Maracaibo.
Source : CINEMATEK (Royal Film Archives of Belgium) – Marquis de Wavrin DVD collection.
Background – This sequence seems to have formed part of the film that the Marquis de Wavrin made about his travels around Colombia, Chez les Indians Sorciers, when it was first released in Paris in 1934. Unfortunately, however, no copy of this version of the film has apparently survived.
What has survived is a copy of the second version of the film, released in Belgium in 1939. But shortly before this release, a new temperance law had been passed in Belgium, so as secondary burial ceremonies among the Yuko traditionally entailed the consumption of large quantities of maize beer, de Wavrin was obliged to cut this sequence.
Fortunately, however, the sequence is preserved in the Royal Film Archives of Belgium. This sequence has no soundtrack but, equally fortunately, a transcript of the original commentary has also come to light. On the CINEMATEK DVD, a new recording of this commentary script has been superimposed on a restored version of the original sequence.
Content – The sequence begins with preparations for the secondary burial of a child, son of a Yuko chief, who had died some six weeks beforehand. Large quantities of maize beer are prepared and the boy’s mother weaves a cloth in which the bones will be wrapped before being re-buried.
Visitors arrive and dancing continues through day and night to the sound of panpipes played, interestingly, by women. The next morning, as the parents grieve over the grave, which seems to be at some distance from the village, at a pre-arranged signal, a group of male visitors arrive in an aggressive fashion and begin fighting, ransacking the grave.
The voice-over commentary interprets this as an effect of the maize beer, but it is almost certainly a mock performance of aggression on the part of the visitors, which would conform to a pattern that has often been reported as an integral part of rites of passage among indigenous peoples of this region.
Notwithstanding the disruption caused by the visitors, the father carefully wraps the bones in the specially prepared cloth and returns to the village, accompanied by the visitors.
Here dancing continues, along with serious drinking of the maize beer. Fights break out. The commentary claims that a woman was killed, though this assertion should be treated with caution. We see a man squirming on the floor and are invited to think of him as being extremely drunk. However, it could equally be an intense expression of grief.
By next morning, the rage of the previous day has passed and a group of young warriors dance solemnly in a line with their bows and arrows in hand. The sun is still low and the shadow of the cameraman, cranking furiously, falls across the image. At a given moment, the dancers line up and fire their arrows into the earth – ‘defying death’ according to the voice-over commentary.
A few days later, the skeleton of the deceased child is taken in its cotton bag to be buried by the ‘closest male relatives’ (though probably not including the father, if this Yuko ceremony conforms to the local pattern). Traditionally, these bags of bones were buried in an collective ossuary in a cave, but in recent times, as in this film, the bag is buried in the earth, close to the village, seemingly amidst maize plants.
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