Santos, Silvino (1886-1970)*

Silvino Santos ,appropriately dressed for filming in Amazonia, in hunting gear and a jaguar skin hat, in what was probably a publicity photograph for No Paiz das Amazonas (1922).

Silvino Simoẽs dos Santos e Silva was a pioneer figure in the history of Brazilian documentary film-making, most remembered for the films that he made in Brazilian Amazonia and the neighbouring Putumayo region of what was then Peru.

Of the many films that Santos made in the Amazon region, a large number, perhaps the majority, are lost. Of those that have survived, by far the best known is No Paiz das Amazonas, first released in 1922 on the occasion of the celebration of the centenary of Brazilian independence. This offered an epic and unprecedentedly comprehensive overview of a region that was still largely unknown to most of the urban population of Brazil.

It is a film that has many ethnographic qualities in that although its principal purpose was to celebrate the natural resources of the region and the potential that it held for economic development, it also focuses in a sympathetic manner on the everyday activities of the workers involved in extractive industries (rubber-tapping, Brazil nut collection etc), ranching, fishing and hunting.

There are also three sequences on indigenous groups. Two of these were then still living under relatively traditional circumstances, the recently ‘pacified’ Parintintin of the Madeira River region and the Witoto of what was then Peruvian Putumayo (in a political settlement in the 1920s, this region became part of modern Colombia). The third was the Sateré-Mawé, a group that had undergone a much greater degree of change as a result of contact with the national society and whose territory lies on the right bank of the Amazon, downstream from Manaus.

Also frequently cited among Silvino Santos’s films is No Rastro do El Dorado, released in 1926. This film follows the expedition led by the amateur US geographer Hamilton Rice in its progress up the Rio Branco and Uraricoera Rivers in Roraima, in the far north of Brazil, in what would prove to be a vain attempt to reach the headwaters of the Orinoco via a tributary of the Uraricoera, the Parima River.

However, this is not only a much less complex film, but it is also of only limited ethnographic interest in that it is primarily concerned with the logistics of the expedition, its scientific and technical objectives, and the natural environment. Although it refers to the expedition’s contacts with a number of indigenous groups, these sequences are all very brief and mostly consist merely of the encounter itself rather than offering an account of the way of life of the indigenous groups in any more general sense.

Biographical background

Silvino Santos was born into a well-to-do family in  northern Portugal in 1886 but as he showed only limited academic aptitude, in 1899, when he was fourteen, his father allowed him to go to Brazil where the family had  business interests. At first, Santos lived in Belém do Pará on the Atlantic Coast, where he worked in a bookshop. At the same time, he became an assistant to the painter and photographer, Leonel Rocha. At some point, Santos appears to have travelled with Rocha to Iquitos in Perú.

In 1910, Santos moved to Manaus, the capital of Brazilian Amazonia and the commercial centre of the rubber boom that was still then in full flood.  Initially, he worked in his brother’s retail business, but after only a year, he set up his own photography studio. It was through his photographic work that he came into contact with Carlos Rey de Castro, the Peruvian consul in Manaus. Rey de Castro commissioned Santos to travel to the Putumayo region and over two months, August to October 1912, to take photographs during a tour of inspection of the rubber collecting stations of the notorious Casa Arana.

On board his steamer, The Liberal, Julio César Arana, extreme left, entertains the US consul, Stuart Fuller (in white suit) and the UK consult George Michell (in starched collar). To the right of Michell, is Carlos Rey de Castro, the Peruvian consul in Manaus who recruited Silvino Santos, and on the extreme right, the steamer captain, Ubaldo Lores (photographs by Silvino Santos, in Chirif et al. 2013, pp.55, 102).

This tour of inspection involved the British and US consuls in Iquitos as well as Rey de Castro and the owner of the company himself, Julio César Arana. It was taking place in response to the denunciation of the Casa Arana in London, where the company was registered and many of its leading investors were based.

In 1910, following allegations in the British press that Casa Arana was holding indigenous workers in conditions of slavery and that it was responsible, directly or indirectly, for tens of thousands of indigenous deaths, the British government had sent an official  envoy, Roger Casement, to inspect.

In his report, published in March 1911, Casement had confirmed the truth of these allegations, as had a parliamentary committee report in June 1912, based on a broad range of witness statements, including by both Casement and Arana. The purpose of the consular tour to be recorded by Santos was to prove that Casement’s original report had been exaggerated and that in any case, conditions had improved.

Photographs taken by Silvino Santos during the consular inspection of the operations of the Casa Arana in the Putumayo, August -October 1912 (from Chirif et al. 2013, pp.113, 140).

In accordance with the tour’s aims, Santos’s photographs show the indigenous people to be in a generally reasonable state of health, without any evidence of coercion. The photographs themselves are technically competent though aesthetically limited in that they consist largely of subjects standing in a line before the camera or of distant shots of indigenous dancing.

Arana was seemingly pleased with the results, however, because he then commissioned Santos to make a film about his operations in the Putumayo, probably for the same purpose, i.e. to demonstrate the probity of his operations to his British investors.  He was sufficiently convinced of the potential value of such a film that he paid for Santos to go to Paris to buy the equipment from Pathé and tropically adapted stock from Lumière, and most importantly, to train as a film-maker.

Santos returned to the Putumayo in August 1913, married Arana’s step-daughter Anna María Schermuly, an orphan of German descent, and over the following two months shot the film commissioned by his new father-in-law.

What happened to this material is surrounded by legend. The most commonly repeated story is that it was lost at sea when the ship carrying the negatives sank in the Pacific on the way from Iquitos to Lima (via the Panama Canal, as was then a common practice ), or in some accounts, on the way from Lima to the US to be developed. Some even claim that it was on its way to Europe, while others suggest it was on the way back. Moreover, it is often alleged  that the German navy was responsible for the sinking: in some versions of the story, it involved bombardment, in others a torpedo. But neither  seems likely at that stage of the First World War, certainly not in the Pacific theatre, if indeed the war had even begun by the time that Santos was sending off his negatives.

What is certain is that Santos returned to the Putumayo several times over the ensuing years (which is hardly surprising since his wife came from Iquitos and his father-in-law continued his operations there with impunity) and he appears to have shot a considerable amount of further footage there.

In July 1916, according to the catalogue of the Cinemateca Brasileira, the local press in Manaus contained reviews of Índios Witotos do Rio Putumayo, a film by directed by Santos and produced by none other than Julio César AranaBut it is not clear whether this was based on the footage supposedly lost at sea, or on some part of the footage shot in 1913 that had not been dispatched on that fateful journey, or possibly on entirely new footage. Unfortunately, however, this film too is lost, and neither technical details nor its content are described in the catalogue.

The following year, 1917, again according to the Cinemateca Brasileira catalogue, Santos shot another film in the Putumayo, though it was not until 1919 that it was actually released as Scenas Amazônicas. This appears to have been a very substantial film: the catalogue reports that it was organised into “four long parts” with a duration of 2.5 hours. This too is lost but the catalogue reports that in the last part, it features “Indians in a savage state, completely naked, just as they are in nature”.

This film was produced Amazônia Cine-Film, a company set up by a group of Manaus businessmen. Santos himself was a partner, as well as technical director. In the years 1918-20, he made a number of films in and around Manaus for the company on a variety of mostly local topics :  the botanical garden, a football match, the inauguration of a bank, a flag ceremony in a local barracks, the arrival of a transatlantic liner, local family scenes, an eclipse. Sadly, these too are all lost.

But he also went further afield. Santos’s most significant project for Amazônia Cine-Film was a film entitled Amazonas, O Maior Rio do Mundo. To make this film, he travelled from the mouth of the Amazon to Iquitos, with a further trip to the Putumayo to film “the Indians in their ceremonies”. All told, he is reported to have shot five hours of footage which he then cut into a six-part film.

Silvino Santos at the Salto de Teotónio, Madeira River. This image has been dated to 1918 but it is probably later since he appears to be using a Mitchell Standard camera, a model launched in 1921.

Not only did Amazonas cover the Putumayo but it also included a number of sequences on topics that also crop up in his subsequent film, No Paiz das Amazonas, including fishing, Brazil nut collecting and rubber tapping. But after it had been edited, though before it had entered distribution, the master copy of Amazonas was stolen and sold to the French distributor Gaumont, who then screened it all over Europe under a different title and without authorial attribution for almost a decade.

Although no copy of this pirated version of the film has yet been located, on the basis of some subtitles that have turned up in Germany as well as various contemporary reviews in France, Italy and Britain, some scholars now believe that various parts of Amazonas may have been recycled and included in No Paiz das Amazonas.

But whether all the footage shot for Amazonas was lost, or only a part, the theft was sufficient to bankrupt Amazônia Cine-Film. It was at this point, in 1920, that Santos first came to be employed by João Gonçalves de Araújo, a leading Manaus businessman of Portuguese origin, who since the collapse of the rubber price had diversified into many other fields.  It was Araújo who commissioned Santos, in conjunction with Araújo’s son, Agesilau, to make No Paiz das Amazonas.

Around 1923, Santos went to Rio de Janeiro to promote the film, remaining there about a year. During this time, again in collaboration with Agesilau de Araújo, Santos shot a film about the city, emphasising its modernity and sophistication. The film was given the title, Terra Encantada. Only some fragments have survived, though these were reconstituted into new films in the 1970s.

On his return to Manaus in 1924, Santos made a number of further films in and around the city before setting off in August on the  Rio Branco expedition of Hamilton Rice during which he would shoot the material for No Rastro do El Dorado. This would prove to be Santos’s last major film, though he remained an employee of the J. G. de Araújo company for the rest of his working life.

Silvino Santos in his improvised ‘laboratory’ during the shooting of No Rastro do El Dorado, 1924-25. Photograph by A. Hamilton Rice.

In 1927, Santos moved back to Portugal in the company of the Araújo family and spent several years with them there. Whilst in Portugal he shot some  footage about the Araújo family as well as various other local events. A selection of this footage was gathered together into Terra Portuguesa: O Minho, with Agesilau de Araújo credited as a co-director. This was released in 1934 when Santos returned to Brazil.

Santos appears not to have gone back into full-time film-making at this point and to have held various managerial positions in the Araújo company.  But alongside this more conventional employment, he continued to make films about the company’s activities as well as about the Araújo family.

Between 1948 and 1957, Santos made his last film, which was the only film that he made in colour. Produced by Agesilau de Araújo, this film chronicled the construction of Santa Maria da Vila Amazônia, a new town which lies downstream from Manaus, towards the mouth of the Amazon. This was built on land bought by the Araújo company after it had been expropriated from Japanese settlers following the Second World War. A highly deteriorated copy is reported by the Cinemateca Brasileira to exist in Manaus.

By this time, Santos was a largely forgotten figure in Brazilian cinema circles. It was only in October 1969, shortly before his death in May of the following year, that his major contribution to Brazilian cinema history was finally recognised in the form a personal homage during the course of a new film festival in Manaus.

It was also in 1969 that he wrote an as-yet unpublished account of his extraordinarily varied life as a film-maker in Amazonia.

TextsSantos 1969, Chirif et al. 2013,  Martins 2013a, Martins 2013b, Oliveira 2014, Stoco 2016, Stoco 2017, Paiva 2018.

Koch-Grünberg, Theodor (1872-1924)*

Theodor Koch-Grünberg (seated) with his field assistant Hermann Schmidt (left) and his indigenous guide, Romeo Wapixana (right), photographed by the Manaus-based German photographer, George Hübner, in 1913. This photograph was probably taken  shortly after Koch-Grünberg and Schmidt had returned from the expedition during which they filmed in Koimélemon, a mixed Taulipang-Makushi-Wapishana village in Roraima, close to the Venezuelan border. This constituted probably the first footage ever shot of an indigenous group of the Amazon Basin.

Theodor Koch-Grünberg was one of the first great modern ethnographers of Amazonia, many of whom were also German. Between 1898 and 1913, he participated in three important expeditions: firstly, as the photographer on a multidisciplinary German expedition to the Upper Xingú river in Central Brazil in 1898-1900, and then on two of his own expeditions, to the Upper Rio Negro, in northwest Amazonia in 1903-1905, and then, in 1911-1913, to the Roraima region, on the frontier between Brazil, Guyana and the southeastern corner of Venezuela. It was only on this third expedition that he took a moving image camera.

Koch-Grünberg’s anthropological ideas were much more in tune with present-day thinking than those of his germanophone contemporary, Rudolf Pöch. In contrast to Pöch, and indeed to the two British ethnographic film-making pioneers, Alfred Haddon and Baldwin Spencer, Koch-Grünberg was not trained in biological sciences but came rather from a humanities background. He was a member of a turn-of-the-century cohort of German anthropologists who although practising a museum-based form of anthropology oriented strongly towards the collection of artefacts, had begun to place increasing importance on prolonged fieldwork as a means to achieve a better understanding of the social and cultural significance of the objects that they were collecting.

Gradually, over the course of his career and in a manner that anticipated in some senses the Malinowskian approach, the contextualizing field research became of greater interest to Koch-Grünberg than the collection of artefacts, to such an extent, indeed, that he came to see the latter as an unwelcome intrusion on the former.

Koch-Grünberg’s contribution to the history of ethnographic film is small but also significant in the sense that he appears to have been the first to film an indigenous Amazonian people. It is a contribution that is often overlooked in the standard histories of ethnographic film. Even Koch-Grünberg himself does not appear to have rated it very highly.

Although he was an accomplished and prolific photographer, there is no evidence that Koch-Grünberg was considering making a moving image film on his third expedition in 1911-13 until he was approached by the Freiburg-based production company, Express-Film.The founder of the company, Bernard Gotthart (1871-1950), proposed to travel to Brazil to make a series of travelogue films along the Amazon river and elsewhere before accompanying Koch-Grünberg to his field site in order to shoot more ethnographic footage there. But after shooting the travelogue material, Gotthart had suddenly been obliged to return to Germany, so Koch-Grünberg was left to shoot the ethnographic sequences on his own, supported by his field assistant, Hermann Schmidt (see above).

The result was the sequences that make up On the Life of the Taulipang in Guiana. Given that neither Koch-Grünberg nor Schmidt had any significant previous experience of using a moving image camera, the footage is creditable, but it is both cinematographically and ethnographically limited. The experience of making the film certainly did not convince Koch-Grünberg himself of the value of film as a tool of field research, and he continued to see it as no more than a means for the “embellishment” of a lecture.

In 1924, Koch-Grünberg was invited to join a major expedition to the headwaters of the Rio Branco, to be led by the North American geographer, Alexander Hamilton Rice. The aim of the expedition was to find an overland route connecting the tributaries of the upper Rio Branco to the headwaters of the Orinoco.

In the period immediately following the First World War, it was difficult to get funding for ethnographic field research, particularly for German scholars. In this context, film-making appeared to offer the possibility of raising the necessary funds. The release of Robert Flaherty’s Nanook of the North in 1922 had demonstrated the considerable financial potential of ethnographic film-making and Koch-Grünberg was encouraged by his Swiss colleague, Felix Speiser, who was also planning a film project in Amazonia, to propose a similar venture to Rice as a means of generating additional funding. But by then, Rice had already contracted the Portuguese-Brazilian film-maker, Silvino Santos, whose recent film No Paiz das Amazonas, had been rated a major success.

In 1926, Santos would release No Rastro do Eldorado as a record of the Rice expedition. But by that time, tragically, Theodor Koch-Grünberg was dead, aged only 52, having contracted malaria shortly after the Rice expedition began.

Texts : Hempel 2009, Fuhrmann 2013, Petschelies 2019.

No Paiz das Amazonas [In the Country of the Amazons] (1922) – dir. Silvino Santos.*

A tobacco leaf picker poses for the camera in No Paiz das Amazonas (1922)

129 mins., b&w, silent – Portuguese titles and intertitles

Production: J.G. de Araújo e Cia.

Source : see the Cinemateca Brasileira catalogue entry here.  A reconstruction with the addition of a musical soundtrack was released on DVD in 2014 by Versátil Home Video. This can also be viewed on-line here.

Background: The director, Silvino Santos was commissioned to make this film by J.G. de Araújo, a large business enterprise based in Manaus, for the specific purpose of screening at the exhibition celebrating the centenary of Brazilian independence in 1922. This exhibition opened in Rio de Janeiro in September of that year, though No Paiz das Amazonas was not actually screened there until March 1923, some three months after its première in Manaus.  In recognition of the epic account that it offered of a region then little known to most urban Brazilians, the film was awarded a Gold Medal.

The poster featured bare-breasted female warriors on horseback, the legendary Amazons after whom both the river and the film were named.

Despite this accolade, the producer of the film, Agesilau de Araújo initially had difficulty in persuading commercial cinemas  to take the film as it was ‘un film natural’, i.e. a documentary. He therefore used his connections to organise a screening with the President of Brazil, Dr. Artur Bernardes, who was seen to applaud enthusiastically at the end, thereby greatly improving the prospects for distribution.

In order to promote the film in the cinemas,  Araújo resorted to various publicity devices, including a poster that evoked the legendary warrior Amazons alluded to in the title, though of course they did not appear in any form in the film itself.  Other publicity devices included personal appearances at screenings by  Silvino Santos himself, appropriately dressed in his film-making gear, complete with jaguar skin hat (see the photograph at the head of the biographical entry for Silvino Santos) .

No Paiz das Amazonas is usually reported to have been shot over the two years prior to its first release in 1922. However, recent scholarship suggests that this is an oversimplification.  Over the period of almost a century since its first release, a number of different versions of No Paiz have been produced. Some parts of the footage in the most recent version, released in 2014, may have been shot as early as 1913 while at least one sequence could not have been shot before 1929.

Other parts again were reworked in the 1930s and released as separate films but were then later reintegrated with the original material with new intertitles. The latter included a series of pedagogical films about forest products distributed by the Instituto Nacional de Cinema Educativo (INCE).

The film as whole appears to have gone out of distribution in the 1930s and then to have been effectively lost for many years until reconstructed for the first time in analog form in 1986. But by then most of the original documentation had been lost, so it was not possible to determine exactly which sequences formed part of the original film and which were later additions. Nor was it possible to be entirely sure of the running order of the sequences.

A second, digital, reconstruction was released on DVD in 2014. This involved some re-ordering of the sequences on the basis of more recent research, but doubts about the precise form of the original 1922 film persist. What is certain is that the film as it has come down to us in the 2014 reconstruction does not exactly reproduce the film as it was when it was first screened.

The material introduced after 1922 includes some of the scenes shot around Manaus with which the film opens. In one such scene, a nanny is shown with some children who, it transpires, are the offspring of the Araújo family but some of whom had not been born by 1922.  In another sequence, dedicated to recreational water sports,  a power boat passes under a bridge that was not inaugurated until 1929.

The material added later also includes the sequence about the indigenous group, the Parintintin, a subgroup of the Tupi-speaking Kagwahiv,  who were then settled around the upper reaches of the Jiparaná (Machado) river, a right bank tributary of the Madeira. This comes about a third of the way into the 2014 version of the film.

A group of Parintintin pose for the camera in a production still associated with No Paiz das Amazonas. Although the release date of the film is commonly given as 1922, the Parintintin were engaged in violent confrontations with outsiders until 1923 and certainly could not have been filmed before that date.

Although in later life Santos recalled visiting the Parintintin in the years 1918-20, contemporary reports indicate that at that time, the Parintintin were in extremely violent confrontation with non-indigenous Brazilians. The Parintintin were not fully pacified until 1923 and it would have been quite impossible for Santos to film them at any time before then. There is some circumstantial evidence to suggest that this sequence may in fact have been shot in 1924.

Recent scholarship not only suggests that certain parts were added to No Paiz after 1922, but also that some parts of the original film may have been recycled from films that Santos had shot prior to 1920, even before he began working on the J.G. de Araújo commission.

This earlier material almost certainly includes the sequence on the Witoto indigenous group that appears in the latter part of the film and which was shot in the Putumayo region of what was then Peru (in a political settlement in the course of the 1920s, this region was transferred to Colombia).

This sequence may have been filmed as early as 1913, when Santos was commissioned to make a film by the notorious rubber-tapping company, Casa Arana (for further details on this stage of this career, see the biographical entry for Silvino Santos). Alternatively, it may have been shot in the course of the one or more visits that Santos made to that region later in the same decade when working for Amazônia Ciné-Film, a company set up in Manaus by a group of businessmen around 1917. Santos was  himself both a partner and the technical director.

The most significant project that Santos carried out with this company was a film entitled, Amazonas, O Maior Rio do Mundo [The Amazon, the Largest River in the World], which appears to have been similar in conception to No Paiz das Amazonas. In order to shoot this film, Santos travelled all over Amazonia in the years 1918-20. In doing so, he not only shot material in the Putumayo region, but also covered a number of the topics that turn up again in No Paiz, including rubber-tapping, Brazil nut collecting and fishing.

But after it was edited and before it entered distribution,  the master copy of Amazonas was stolen by a relative of one of the directors of Amazônia Cine-Film and sold to a French production company which then distributed it all across Europe under a different title. This theft drove Amazônia Cine-Film into liquidation which in turn led Santos to seek employment with J.G. de Araújo.

For a long time, it was thought that the film itself was lost. However, recent scholarship suggests that some parts at least may have survived and may even have been recycled in No Paiz. (For further details, see the biographical entry for Silvino Santos).

Film Content:

The primary purpose of No Paiz das Amazonas was to celebrate the natural resources and economic potential of the region. Throughout the film, the intertitles stress the region’s natural abundance and there are a large number of cutaways to the animals and plants of the region, as well as many striking shots of features of the landscape, particularly the rivers.

Silvino Santos at the Salto de Teotónio, Madeira River. Judging by the model of camera that he is using, this photograph was probably taken around 1921 or 1922, during the production of No Paiz das Amazonas.

At the same time, almost incidentally, there are many sequences of ethnographic interest. Most obviously, there are three sequences about indigenous groups, two living in traditional circumstances, the Parintintin of the Madeira River and the Witoto of the Putumayo River in Peru, but also a third group, the Sateré-Mawé, a group living downstream from Manaus who by the 1920s had undergone a great deal of social and cultural change, and who were then heavily engaged in the guaraná extractive industry.

However, none of these sequences featuring indigenous groups is particularly lengthy or complex, so notwithstanding their exotic character, they are generally less rich ethnographically than the many sequences that the film offers of the everyday working lives of the non-indigenous inhabitants of the region. Through the progressive accumulation of these sequences, one becomes aware of how labour-intensive the economic development of Amazonia has been.

No Paiz das Amazonas covers a great number of different topics and does so employing a variety of narrative modes. The overall structuring narrative is that of a journey, in effect a grand tour around the Amazon Basin. Although the component parts of this journey may have been shot in a different chronological order to that in which they appear in the film,  they have been edited together in such a way as to make geographical sense as a systematic journey – albeit with one notable exception, discussed below.

A paddle steamer sets off upstream from Manaus early in the film, metaphorically initiating the master journey narrative around which the film as whole is constructed.

Along the way, as it were, this master journey narrative is  supplemented by more localised narratives based on particular economic production processes.

The film begins with a lengthy sequence set in Manaus. This is mostly concerned with the modernity of the port and the grandeur of the public buildings, including, of course, the celebrated ‘opera house’, the Teatro Amazonas. But there are also some charming sequences of families at leisure by the waterside, with their children and their dogs, as well as of the surprisingly cosmopolitan water sports activities practised in the city.

The famous landmarks of Manaus are shown, such as the Teatro Amazonas. But so too are more intimate aspects of private life.

The journey narrative then takes over as the action heads upriver, first on the Amazon itself, then on its right-bank tributary the Purus where it pauses for lengthy sequences of fishing, first of manatees, then of pirarucú (giant catfish) on the lake of Aiapuá. It then transfers to the Madeira River and heads upstream towards Porto Velho, making a stop at the vast Trȇs Casas rubber and tobacco estate.

Here, in an intertitle, the film offers an extended panegyric about the extraction of rubber and the “herois obscuros”, the unsung heroes, the workers who have turned this forest product “into gold”. Whereas the fishing sequences had been structured purely by a technical process narrative with little development of character, here Santos introduces an additional element, namely a ‘day-in-the-life’ device, showing a seringueiro (rubber tapper) going about his daily routine.

The seringueiro bids goodbye to his family as he begins his day’s work.

This starts with the seringueiro leaving his family in the morning, follows him throughout the day and ends with him smoking the material when he returns. This personal story is then finished off with a sequence of balls of rubber being cut up ready for sending downstream.

After a long day in the forest, the seringueiro still has to smoke his material.

The dayin-the-life of the seringueiro is followed by the sequence about the Parintintin. Although the cut from one sequence to the next is visually very abrupt, it makes sense in terms of the geography of the journey narrative in that the Parintintin also lived in the Madeira river valley and following pacification, one group settled close to the Trȇs Casas estate.

But although the Parintintin look very exotic, the ethnographic value of this sequence is  limited. The Parintintin are shown wearing traditional dress, which in the case of the women consists of little more than a necklace, and in the case of the men, feather crowns and remarkably long penis sheaths. But they are clearly not living in traditional circumstances in the forest.

The women are shown lying in their hammocks in an encampment but in the background, one can clearly discern a substantial building, possibly part of the Trȇs Casas estate. The men, meanwhile, are filmed lined up on a neatly tended lawn (see the image above in the ‘Background’ section of this entry). They turn sideways, in a manner reminiscent of anthropometric photography, before executing a clearly artificial small circular dance and then walking off through camera.

More interesting ethnographically is the next major sequence, which is set on the tobacco farm of the Trȇs Casas estate. This follows on from a brief shot of the exterior of the J.G. de Araújo office building in Porto Velho, a series of dramatic ‘phantom ride’ shots taken from the famous Madeira-Marmoré railway (one of the sequences now thought to have been originally shot for Amazonas, O Maior Rio do Mundo) and an equally dramatic sequence of the Teotónio rapids on the Madeira river itself (see the image of Santos filming the rapids above)

A ‘phantom ride’ on the Madeira-Marmoré railway.

The tobacco farm sequence is again structured around the process of production, from the picking of the leaves in the plantation through the sorting and wrapping of the leaves into long cylinders for onward distribution. In terms both of the variety of shots employed, the interaction between the workers themselves and their relaxed manner in front of the camera (see the image at the head of this entry), this sequence represents something of a  step up from the technical process sequences shown earlier in the film.

Women wrap tobacco leaves on the Trȇs Casas estate …
a Brazil nut collector empties a shell of nuts.

The Brazil nut gathering sequence that follows shortly afterwards is even more elaborate. As in the rubber gathering sequence, the technical process is supplemented by a day-in-the-life of the nut-gatherers, but in this case, the process is followed all the way downstream back to Manaus. Here the nuts are sorted, shelled in a factory by rows of manually dextrous women dressed in white, and loaded onto ships for export. In what is probably a chapeau to Santos’s training as a cinematographer at the Lumière establishment in Lyons, the sequence ends with a shot of the workers leaving the factory.

Using the latest machinery, a woman deftly shells Brazil nuts in the J.G. de Araújo factory in Manaus.
The workers leave the J.G. de Araújo factory in Manaus –  probably a ‘chapeau’ to the Lumières.

After Manaus, the action continues further downstream to Parintins, where there is yet another technical process sequence, this time involving guaraná, a plant from which a drink with medicinal qualities is made.  This was first developed by the Sateré-Mawé indigenous people of this part of Amazonia and in the film, they are shown engaged in the extractive industry that has grown up around it. Intentionally or otherwise, this sequence communicates very powerfully how intensively their labour is exploited in producing their traditional drink on an industrial scale.

The guaraná seeds are toasted ….
…  they are then reduced to a paste under the watchful eye of a white-suited supervisor.

From Parintins, the film returns to Manaus, but without lingering there, it immediately heads north into the valley of the Rio Branco and the state of Roraima. This region is construed in an intertitle as similar to the US ‘Far West’, in that it is populated by cowboys and endowed with vast natural resources. This will be where most of the remaining 40 minutes of the film will be spent, representing about a third of its total duration.

This part mostly consists of various further technical process sequences, including collecting turtle eggs on the exposed sandbanks of the river, balatá gathering and smoking (a process that is shown to be interestingly different to the rubber gathering process), brief sequences about the hunting of egrets and of deer, and more extended sequences about the herding and management of cattle and horses.

But, bizarrely, a short way into this part, after the balatá sequence, the action suddenly jumps to the Putumayo region in Peru, about a thousand kilometres to the west, completely rupturing the otherwise geographically coherent master journey narrative.

Judging by their physical appearance and dress, this sequence  in the Putumayo involves several different indigenous communities. But as with the Parintintins sequence, the treatment is very superficial.

Various groups appear in the Putumayo sequence, which begins with a line-up of types. The man above is probably an ‘Orejon’ (literally, Big Ears), while the man below is probably an ‘Encabellado’ (literally ‘Long Hair’).

Again Santos lines his indigenous subjects up in order to film them. In the first line-up, one man, with large ear plugs, appears to be from the  Orejón group, while another with long hair is apparently an Encabellado. Others again, wearing barkskin loincloths appear to be Witoto, probably of the Ocaina or Bora subgroups who at that time mostly still wore traditional dress. But in other shots within the Putumayo sequence, almost all the subjects, both men and women, are wearing European-style clothing.

This is not the case, however, with yet another line-up, this time of pubescent girls. An intertitle comes up beforehand to warn the  viewer that they are “highly decorated …”. Then, obviously by pre-arrangement, about twenty five girls, almost entirely naked apart from their elaborate body decorations and in some cases, girdles around their waists,  emerge in a line from a longhouse, walk round in a circle and then disappear into the house again.

An intertitle warns the the audience that the Putumayan women are ‘highly decorated ….’

They are then shown all in a line, with the camera panning slowly across them several times. This image is highly reminiscent of the photographs that Santos took in the Putumayo when commissioned to cover the consular visit around the installations of the Casa Arana in 1912. (See the ‘Biography’ section of the Silvino Santos entry: also the images that the Marquis de Wavrin shot in the late 1920s in the same region for his film Au Pays du Scalp).

Ostensibly, the girls in the line are waiting for a collective dance to begin, but when it does, it seems to be a performance by a completely different group, since the dancers are all entirely clothed.

Apparently in preparation for this dance, the Witoto are shown building a curious structure out of palm tree branches. This is then shown in a remarkable shot, apparently taken from the top of a palm tree, and we see that it is very long. But the purpose of this structure remains a mystery …

An intertitle explains that the Witoto put great effort into preparations for their dances, but the purpose of the large structure, shot from above, is not explained …

After this “spiritual digression”, as an intertitle puts it, the action switches back to the cowboys of the Rio Branco. There are no bare-breasted Amazons riding the horses here, but there are a few portraits of pretty girls, and some virtuoso shots of cattle being wrangled and branded.

The last sequence, shot from a hill above, shows a  group of cowboys herding large numbers of cattle across the limitless plains. Bringing the narrative of the film as whole to an end in a classical fashion, the very last shot features a group of about twenty cowboys galloping furiously down the slope of a vast rock, proclaiming the patriotic slogan, ‘Viva o Brasil!’

Texts: Nimuendajú 1924, Santos 1969, Martins 2013a, Stoco 2016, Stoco 2017, Paiva 2018.

© 2018 Paul Henley